To: Supreme Court, USA
Care of: Sonia Sotomayor, A.J.
Attn: Elena Kagan, A.J., Ketanji Brown Jackson, A.J.
LIMITED.
From: .|Î|. TrīangłeLāw. .|Î|.
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: Date Nov 21, 2025 at 12:44 PM
: Current IP Address 76.139.158.171
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| :::THE STANDARD:: 11/21/25::
| :::Lansing::MI::48933::
; ::System version 26.2::
; _____By Simon D. Schuster_____
; FOR IMMEDIATE : —
LANSING — Three weeks ago, state Rep. Angela Rigas woke up to the sound of protesters chanting outside her west Michigan home.
The group of several dozen activists were demanding the Caledonia Republican withdraw her sponsorship of a bill that would criminalize harboring undocumented immigrants.
“It was frightening,” Rigas told Bridge Michigan this week, saying she wanted to go out and speak with the protesters at the time, but “my kids were terrified, and they begged me to stay in the house.”
Now, Rigas is backing a fast-tracked legislative package that supporters hope will protect lawmakers from threats in an increasingly divisive political climate.
A new law signed this week by Gov. Gretchen Whitmer will expand the power of the Legislature’s sergeants-at-arms to investigate threats and alleged crimes outside the Michigan Capitol at the direction of elected officials, as well as provide security.
Another proposal advancing in Lansing would wipe elected officials’ personal information from public records to protect the privacy of them and their families.
The legislation is, in large part, a reaction to the specter of increasing political violence nationwide and in Michigan, where other legislators reported death threats earlier this year.
“The intent is to hide and protect our families and our loved ones for decisions we are making as a Legislature,” sponsoring Rep. Sarah Lightner, R-Springport, told Bridge.
But critics have concerns about the potential effectiveness of the measures, whether they will reduce government transparency or if they could be misused for political purposes in the future.
“It gives police powers to legislative leaders who may, in the future, not discharge those responsibilities in an ethical way,” said Sen. Jeff Irwin, D-Ann Arbor, who voted against the sergeant-at-arms bill Whitmer signed into law.
For Rigas, the new law will give her the ability to request security at her home if protesters return, she said, noting local police had frustrated her by saying the October demonstration was protected by the First Amendment.
Known as a conservative firebrand, Rigas said she had “never turned down a meeting with a constituent or anybody.” But as for protesters who walked up to her front door and taped a poster over a window?
“Unacceptable,” she said.
The ‘right reaction’?
The new law Whitmer signed will give House and Senate leaders control over requests for their internal law enforcement details to investigate matters or provide security outside the state Capitol.
The statute directs the sergeants-at-arms to partner with local law enforcement.
The measure was part of the budget compromise negotiated between the GOP-led House, Democrat-controlled Senate and Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, which included $6 million in additional funding for the sergeants.
House Speaker Matt Hall, a Richfield Republican, told reporters the new law was something “I’ve actually been working on for quite a while,” noting Whitmer also has a security detail.
Some lawmakers publicly called for more protections in June, when authorities said Michigan officials’ names were included on a list prepared by a Minnesota man who assassinated a legislator in that state.
More recently, two House Democrats said in September that they’d received death threats because of a misleading social media post following the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk.
In the House, support for the sergeant-at-arms bill was unanimous, while senators split on the legislation in a 20-16 vote that blurred party lines. The plan moved through the legislature in less than two months and was sent to Whitmer for her signature without a committee hearing.
A fall 2023 survey from the Brennan Center for Justice found 43% of state legislators have experienced threats, with 38% saying the amount of abuse has increased since they first took office.
About 38% of state lawmakers nationally believed threats and abuse toward them was increasing, according to the survey. Another 38%, meanwhile, believed levels had stayed the same. 51% of respondents reported that threats they faced were no more or less serious than before.
GOP state Rep. Bill Schuette told The New York Times in July he purchased an alarm system after multiple people showed up at his home in Midland.
But Irwin, who voted against the bill, told Bridge he did not hear “any compelling rationale for voting for the legislation” and noted he’d received “many, many death threats over the years.”
“I can appreciate how that can be frustrating and can be scary and can cause people to want to react,” Irwin added. “I just don’t think this was the right reaction.”
Irwin argued the millions spent on beefed-up security could be better put toward addressing the root causes of political violence, calling it “a huge waste of money.” He also raised concerns about how the Legislature’s new investigative power might be wielded in the future.
Hall, the state House speaker, pushed back against the notion that the new police powers could be abused for political purposes, telling reporters the measure was narrowly tailored to address threats to legislators.
“The purpose is to protect elected officials, and in order to do that, you have to expand the jurisdictions of the sergeants,” Hall said. “We’re not trying to have sergeants just pull people over on the side of the road.”
In 2021, the Michigan Department of State wrote that elected officials could buy items like a ballistics vest or home security system as an “incidental office expense” using campaign funds “so long as the disbursement would not have been made but for their status as an office holder.”
Lightner and Sen. Stephanie Chang, a Detroit Democrat, have written the department for an additional interpretation of the state’s campaign finance law to allow directly spending campaign funding for “security costs” for candidates.
Redacting information
The other two bills, which would allow some elected officials to redact key personal information from effectively all available public records, are still moving through the Legislature. Each has passed one chamber.
The legislation would apply to state and federal judges, state legislators, members of Congress, the attorney general, secretary of state, governor, lieutenant governor and former governors.
Lawmakers want to be able to — at their request — force public agencies to redact a slew of personal information online for themselves and family members. It’d include home addresses, employer’s addresses, telephone numbers, license plates and a litany of financial information.
The redactions would be lifelong, not just until the official leaves office, a protection not afforded to most Michiganders, though there is an address confidentiality programfor some survivors of abuse.
The information would not only be removed from readily available public resources but also become exempt from records requests through the Freedom of Information Act.
Amid some public criticism, the legislation has received minor revisions, including exemptions that would not allow registered sex offenders to redact their information, and requiring a lawmaker’s spouse, if a registered lobbyist, to still include their employer.
Officials couldn’t use the law to remove their information from private repositories.
The addresses of lawmakers’ homes have long been used by news outlets for accountability reporting. Both state legislators and most Michigan judges are required to live in the jurisdiction they represent, but in practice that has not always been the case, as officials at times have rented or leased homes they don’t appear to live in.
“It’s not to hide that property or whatever,” Lightner said. “It’s to make it not so easy for you to find us at home.”
Rigas told Bridge that when she first learned of the legislation, eliminating the ability to check elected officials’ residency was a concern that she agreed with. But “we deserve to have some privacy when it comes to our personal lives versus our public life,” she said, saying election officials should ensure candidates aren’t lying about their residency.
While candidates must provide their home address on an affidavit of identity when filing to appear on the ballot, the amount of investigation state and local officials can conduct is limited.
The proposals may run afoul of some voter-approved transparency laws in the process. Proposal 2 of 2022 requires state elected officials to list properties they own in personal financial disclosure reports that must be posted online. The legislation would require the secretary of state to remove any trace of the address upon request.
Lightner acknowledged there would likely be “trailer legislation” — effectively loosening the disclosure requirements for those officials — to resolve the conflicts.
“If you have a lake house and you’re there once out of the entire summer” it would still have to be included in a disclosure, but “if it’s one that you will go to a lot then that physical address is taken out” Lightner said. Without any checks from department officials, it appears it would be up to lawmakers’ discretion to decide what should be redacted.
The Bridging Divides Initiative at Princeton University collects information on threats against officials at the local level — but not including the state level — and found local Michigan officials received 90 between 2022 and September 2025. It was the fifth-highest in the nation, more than in Texas and Florida or neighboring states like Ohio and Illinois.
About a third of their reported incidents of threats or harassment were judges; the rest of the offices, such as county commissioners and local election officials, are not included under the legislation.
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::::: 11/21/25, 12:50 PM ::::::::::::::::::::::
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:::THE STANDARD::
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ı ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
ı | Editor in Chief; Simon D. Schuster
ı | Managing Editors; Elena Durnbaugh
ı | Jordyn Hermani
ı | Line Editor; Samuel J. Robinson
ı | —.:.—
ı. | Essayist; Ian Hoopingarner
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: Date Nov 21, 2025 at 12:51 PM
: Current IP Address 76.139.158.171
: System Version 26.2
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Lansing MI 48933
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| :::THE STANDARD:: 11/21/25::
| :::Lansing::MI::48933::
; ::System version 26.2::
; _____By Jordyn Hermani_____
; FOR IMMEDIATE : —
:::THE STANDARD::
— all the time; everything; everywhere..
Î.
;::::::::*::::::================;
,;::*::::*::::*:===============; the
;:::::*::::*::::===============;
;=======================; Standard:
;========the Standard..=====;
;=======================; å
;======================; newšmagåźîné
ı of commentary and analysis
ı ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
ı | Editor in Chief; Simon D. Schuster
ı | Managing Editors; Elena Durnbaugh
ı | Jordyn Hermani
ı | Line Editor; Samuel J. Robinson
ı | —.:.—
ı. | Essayist; Ian Hoopingarner
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
: Date Nov 21, 2025 at 12:51 PM
: Current IP Address 76.139.158.171
: System Version 26.2
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,..
Filed From..
419 W Shiawassee St
Lansing MI 48933
United States..
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| :::THE STANDARD:: 11/21/25::
| :::Lansing::MI::48912::
; ::System version 26.2::
; _____By Ian Hoopingarner_____
; FOR IMMEDIATE : —
50-year mortgage? What Trump’s home loan push could mean for Michigan
LANSING — President Donald Trump’s proposal for establishing 50-year-long mortgages could have serious implications for Michigan, where home prices are rising amid an ongoing housing shortage.
Federal Housing Finance Agency Director Bill Pulte first floated the idea of a half-century mortgage earlier this month. President Donald Trump endorsed it on social media and later defended the idea on television.
“We are laser focused on ensuring the American Dream for YOUNG PEOPLE and that can only happen on the economic level of homebuying,” Pulte wrote on social media.
The former chairman of a nonprofit aimed at blight removal in Detroit and the grandson of a prolific Michigan homebuilder, Pulte referred to the 50-year option as “simply a potential weapon in a WIDE arsenal of solutions that we are developing right now” to help get people into homes.
But the idea of forgoing the long-standard 30 year mortgage – created as a means for Americans ravaged by the Great Depression to own a home– for a 50 year one has some scratching their heads.
While the monthly payments under a 50 year plan could be less per month than what’s paid in a 30 year mortgage, housing experts point out that homeowners would be paying significantly more in interest over time.
What’s more, the policy “does not tackle the root causes” of what’s making homeownership unaffordable in the first place, said Lan Deng, a professor of urban and regional planning at the University of Michigan.
“The issue about housing affordability is that the housing cost is far higher than what most households can afford,” Deng said, listing rising construction costs, a shortage of laborers and rising land value as contributing factors.
A 50-year mortgage, she added, “does not directly tackle the dysfunctional housing markets we are seeing.”
The Michigan market
Homeownership is becoming more unattainable than ever for younger Americans, a November report from the National Association of Realtors noting that the median age of all home buyers in the US hovers around 59 years old.
For first time home buyers? The median age is 40 — the highest it’s been in 40 years.
While there isn’t more specific data relative to Michigan available, Deng said that what’s being observed at the national level is undoubtedly happening in the state as well.
“The gap between housing costs and household income, it’s also very serious in Michigan — maybe sometimes even more serious than in some other states,” she said.
That is, at least in part, because of an ongoing housing shortage both nationally and in Michigan, where officials estimate more than 100,000 additional housing units are needed to meet existing demand.
There’s also the lingering impacts of the Great Recession, a period of global market decline which spanned from 2007 through 2009 and overlapped with the 2008 financial crisis. It hit Michigan particularly hard due to its ties with the auto industry.
Unemployment peaked at more than 15% — the highest in the nation during the recession — and the state lost more than 1 million automotive industry related jobs, according to a policy study from Michigan State University.
While Michigan is, and has been, working to get back on its feet, Deng said the recession set many residents back in terms of job opportunities and household income.
Data from the US Census Bureau estimates Michigan’s median household income in 2023 was around $71,000 — $8,000 less than the national average.
At the same time, housing prices are climbing in Michigan. According to the tech real-estate marketplace company Zillow, average Michigan home values have climbed from $185,556 in late 2020 to $253,279 in October, a 36% jump.
The cost of a 50-year mortgage
If the key to getting more people into homes is tackling affordability, then financial experts say a 50-year mortgage isn’t necessarily the cure the Trump administration may be looking for.
Jonathan Woloshin, head of real estate and lodging research at UBS Wealth Management, estimates that a 50-year mortgage would actually result in homebuyers paying 225% of the total original home price due to accumulated interest.
That’s more than twice the level of interest accrued than under a 30-year mortgage, Woloshin noted in a Nov. 11 policy report. Then there’s the issue with equity.
“The much larger front-loaded interest expense component of the 50-year mortgage leads to substantially slower home equity generation,” Woloshin wrote. “It would take more than 38 years to reach 50% equity under a 50-year compared to slightly more than 20 years under a 30-year mortgage.”
State housing officials are monitoring all ideas and proposals that could expand access to affordable homeownership, Michigan State Housing Development Authority Spokesperson Katie Bach told Bridge this week, “and that’s what we’re doing with the recently introduced 50-year mortgage concept.”
Deng, the University of Michigan professor, also expressed concern that a person would even be able to pay back the terms of a 50-year loan when considering the rising age of average first time home buyers.
“Will the lenders be confident that the borrowers have the ability to work for 50-years to be able to pay back the mortgage?” Deng asked, before adding: “Do people even want to work into their 70s – even 80s – if people are buying their property in their 30s?”
Tackling the problem
While there’s no singular answer to the question of how to make housing more affordable, Deng says the state can help by diversifying the types of housing it builds — which it’s already doing.
In February, the state announced it had invested $2.15 billion in affordable housing in Michigan throughout 2024, resulting in the construction, rehabilitation, and purchase of 12,421 homes.
Since 2021, MSHDA officials estimate the agency has pulled more than 79,000 of the 115,000 building permits it needs to make its goal of adding more housing stock to the state by 2027.
Michigan is still short roughly 119,000 housing units, per May MSHDA estimates, though that’s a sharp decline from the estimated 190,000 housing units Michigan lacked at the start of 2024.
“Only new units you can build will help relieve market pressure,” Deng said, noting that MSDHA’s efforts to build “are in the right direction, and they are working.”
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::::: 350 Frandor Ave, Lansing MI :::
::::: 11/21/25, 2:12 PM ::::::::::::::::::::::
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| :::THE STANDARD:: 11/21/25::
| :::Lansing::MI::48933::
; ::System version 26.2::
; _____By Sam Robinson_____
; FOR IMMEDIATE : —
Democrats Want Answers for Canceled Detroit EV Plant
After Australian mining company Fortescue pulled the plug on a an under construction $210 million factory that promised to bring 600 good-paying jobs to the area, Democratic lawmakers are calling for accountability.
Progressive leaders called for answers this week for the cancelation of the EV battery plant that would have transformed the former Fisher Body plant in the Milwaukee Junction neighborhood into a clean-energy manufacturing hub.
“Current policy settings and market conditions in the United States, including recent changes to critical tax credits, have created significant uncertainty around the viability of long-term investment in advanced manufacturing,” a Fortescue spokesperson said in a statement to Crain’s Detroit Business, which first reported the news.
The company announced the proposed EV plant at the Fisher Body Plant in 2023. EV chargers, batteries and hydrogen generators were planned to have been built there.
Officials Wednesday including State Sen. Stephanie Chang said the September cancelation is a huge hit to the potential progress on local employment, industrial revitalization, and air-quality improvements.
“To cancel a critical clean energy investment in Detroit is to rip away more breathable air for our children, our grandchildren and vulnerable Michiganders,” Chang said. “The Trump administration’s rollbacks on clean energy policy is indicative of the fact that they fail to understand the positive jobs, climate and health impacts for our local communities. We should not stifle innovation or clean energy progress to keep outdated energy sources alive.”
The company cited the cutting of clean energy tax credits in Republicans’ most recent budget bill, according to a report from Politico last week.
On Wednesday, November 19, local leaders came together to demand accountability for the cancellation of the Fortescue electric vehicle battery plant – and the loss of the 600 good-paying jobs and cleaner future for Detroit families that would have come with it.
Chang spoke about Detroit’s future as a clean energy leader and how EV manufacturing has been stymied by the cancellation of clean energy incentives through the Republican-led budget bill.
The cancellation is a setback for the city’s attempt to bring a green manufacturing boom. The facility, which was to be the company’s first U.S. Advanced Manufacturing Center, was expected to create 600 jobs with an average annual wage of more than $45,000.
The project was aggressively courted by state leaders who offered $12.7 million in tax incentives and $11 million in Detroit brownfield incentives.
“Detroit has always been at the forefront of vehicle innovation, and this investment was an opportunity to show what Motor City is able to do,” said Jamie Racklyeft, Executive Director, Michigan Electric Vehicle Alliance (MEVA). “We can still be the hub for electric vehicle innovation if our leaders prioritize clean energy so we can make a brighter future for transportation.”
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::::: Ian Hoopingarner :::::::::::::::::::::::::
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::::: 11/21/25, 12:57 PM ::::::::::::::::::::::
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
:::THE STANDARD::
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ı | Editor in Chief; Simon D. Schuster
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ı | Jordyn Hermani
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: Date Nov 21, 2025 at 1:01 PM
: Current IP Address 76.139.158.171
: System Version 26.2
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,..
Filed From..
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Lansing MI 48933
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——————~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
| :::THE STANDARD:: 11/21/25::
| :::Lansing::MI::48933::
; ::System version 26.2::
; _____By Elena Durnbaugh_____
; FOR IMMEDIATE : —
Tax breaks for investing locally?
A House panel discussed legislation that would provide tax credits for people investing in their local community and legislation that would align Michigan’s requirements for certified public accountants with national standards on Tuesday.
Rep. Nancy Jenkins Arno, R- Clayton, testified on HB 4816 , which would create a tax break for investing in local businesses, before the House Finance Committee .
“It’s another opportunity for Michiganders to invest in Michigan businesses and allow us to take care of our own,” Jenkins Arno said.
The bill would allow taxpayers to claim a credit against tax liability equal to 50% of their investment in certain Michigan-based businesses as certified by the Michigan Strategic Fund. Total credits would be capped at $3,000 per taxpayer per business and $3,000 per taxpayer per year.
Investment would qualify as long as a family member of the investor is not an employee or owner of the business, and businesses would qualify if they are headquartered in Michigan, have a majority of their employees working in Michigan, its transactions are limited to residents of Michigan under the federal intrastate offering exemption, the business receives at least 80% of its revenue from operating in Michigan and the business has at least 80% of its assets in Michigan.
The bill would require MSF to develop an application and approval process to certify investments under the bill and adopt a program describing parameters and criteria to be used to approve investments. It also includes an enacting section stating that the legislature intends to annually appropriate sufficient funds to hold the School Aid Fund harmless from any lost revenue.
About 25% of gross income tax revenue is earmarked to the School Aid Fund, and the rest accrues to the General Fund.
A similar credit was in place between 2010 and 2012, which was known as the venture investment credit, and HB 4816 is identical to HB 4691 of 2023, which was reported from the House Tax Policy Committee.
“This incentive will build local economic wealth and hire Michigan workers,” Jenkins Arno said. “This is the kind of economic development we need in Michigan.”
Chris Miller, an economic development consultant at PlaneWave in Lenawee County, also testified in support of the bill on behalf of the National Coalition for Community Capital.
“We want to go backwards in time when all of the folks who lived in those communities participated in that economy by putting their money in a local bank account– local savings and checking accounts– and those dollars were then reinvested in the community,” he said. “We’ve seen a lot of individual investments happening, but not the community impact kind of thing that we’re really interested in, and that’s why we want to create this incentive.”
Brent Forsberg, a Lansing developer, also testified in support of the bill. He said the point of the legislation was to open investment to general members of the population.
“This is about building agency in our communities,” he said. “We want people to be able to invest at, even down to a couple $100 and being able to take that in incrementally, in growing the community.”
The bill was reported unanimously by the committee.
HB 4892 , sponsored by Rep. Steve Frisbie, R-Battle Creek, would eliminate the duplicative licensing requirement for CPAs that operate as sole proprietorships.
“This is just another regulatory burden that CPAs must go through,” Frisbie said. “Let’s continue to work to make every day easier for Michiganders by eliminating unnecessary financial burdens in their way.”
HB 4893 is sponsored by Rep. Mark Tisdel, R-Rochester Hills, and would align Michigan’s licensing requirements for certified public accountants with other states and expands acceptance of out-of-state licenses.
“It is really very simple,” Tisdel said. “The idea being that it makes it more attractive for CPA candidates to come into the state of Michigan to get their license and to practice.”
Under the legislation, CPAs would not be required to complete 150 credit hours of higher education before licensure.
Michielle Randall, a CPA and recently retired professor of accounting at Schoolcraft College and a member of the American Institute of CPAs Board of Directors testified in support of the bills.
“For years, Michigan has required CPA candidates to complete 150 credit hours of higher education before licensure. While this was well intentioned, this requirement has proven costly and rigid. It often delays entry into the workforce. Disproportionately affects candidates from economically disadvantaged or underrepresented background and limits opportunities for those who might otherwise excel through professional experience and examination,” Randall said. “House Bill 4893 provides a modernized solution. It focuses on the core components of licensure: a bachelor’s degree, two years of qualifying professional experience and passage of the CPA exam.”
The changes would align Michigan with national standards, Randall said.
“Many of my students are highly capable and eager to enter the workforce, yet they face financial and logistic hurdles in completing that additional coursework,” she said.
Bob Doyle, president of the Michigan CPA Association, also testified in support of the bill.
“This legislation makes it possible for a greater number of qualified candidates to become CPAs by removing outdated barriers,” he said.
The committee took no further action on the bills.
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:-| the Standard is a weekly politics production
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::::: Posted from :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
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ı | —.:.—
ı. | Essayist; Ian Hoopingarner
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: Date Nov 4, 2025 at 8:32 AM
: Current IP Address 76.139.158.171
: System Version 26.1
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| :::THE STANDARD:: 11/8/25::
| :::Lansing::MI::48933::
; ::System version 26.1::
; _____By Ian Hoopingarner_____
; FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE AFTER DELIVERY : —
The speech of Ian Hoopingarner, to be delivered at St Louis at Nov 21, 4:30 A.M., and is released after delivery.
Philocracy by Ian Hoopingarner
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: .ÌĪÍ. .ǏĪǏ. .ÎĪÎ. .ĨĪĨ. .ÏĪÏ. • ;
: SOLIDARITE ÆST VERITÆS ÆT SAECULÆS ;
: :. ĶñłĘJ VĘřťāş.. ħmÞş.. łïüş.. ÂfJń.. ;
: + :. Ąġìðíșħąķą .:. şøōļąŷ .m.ãæ :’ * ;
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Of all things, physics is the best.
Of all people, persuasion is the best.
Of all technology, physics is the best.
I said what I said for a reason.
If I had said that of all places, physics was the best, cause and effect analysis would have dictated that I change it to, of all technology, physics is the best.
That is cause and effect.
There's a lot of talk about cause and effect going on these days.
The methodology of cause and effect is a methodology of action, forms a cause out of humanity's struggle for equal justice, and delivers possibilities for narrowing the stream of causality, to produce both negative and positive salutary effects.
Cause and effect undermines the canard of literate governmentality by force, and substitutes reality with its positive and negative effects, superseding the will of the force component in literate endeavor with something better after all.
Philocracy is the philosophy of friendship through physiocracy.
So by cause and effect analysis, philocracy is governed by the law of love, through the policy of the philosophy of friendship, through the ultimate philosophy of reducing complete human entropy, at the seed and root of social cohesion itself.
That is but one way to do the cause and effect analysis here.
There are many other ways besides words in which to convey this cause and effect methodology of progress, but it's very pragmatically possible that the way to put them in words has just not been done yet, because their explanations come from narratives that we have not done yet, because they have not happened yet.
If you commit to cause and effect as an active philosophy, there will always be new methods of cause and new effects.
Because the concept of cause and effect comes from the narrative and not from its self-reproduction of internal logic of materiality but from the ideal state of observation unswayed by ideological concerns about what the universe should be.
That is why, although this is a huge social thesis, the music of the spheres is and should always be an observational science, with empirical verification of observations, making it coeval with the stature of music.
So it has become obvious that the educational ideology of the ideal form of political economy is philocracy.
What is the society that values education?
It is the Philocratic Society.
There is a structural hierarchy of relations to value, and physiocracy doesn't deny that.
However, the reality is that value is the price for which economics has already decreed is flexible at the point of transfer and in fact is often out of proportion with the true value of products offered, either higher in the case of goods or drastically lower in the case of most services. But physiocratic reasoning doesn’t deny that the ultimate relativity of monetary value is distinct from the hierarchy of social value.
In fact, it is quite the opposite.
This hierarchy within those who believe and understand physiocracy leads to the sentiments, of which public sentiment is one, but only one example.
And it is this organization of the interior of a narrative guild, a political economy in its physiocratic form, that leads to the inception of philocracy into the human mind.
Physiocracy has a value basis of respect to morality and ethical communications of action, and therefore does not represent a broken political system, because it contains within itself an Urstaat of intellectual value to humanity, and this is called philocracy.
I am trying to define the word to you several times in context because I think this is the way to establish the concept, in cause and effect, in relation to other things.
And this is what physics does to teach about the relationship between things, so I assume it's the best at it.
Philocracy is the philosophy of physiocracy, the philosophy of governance by love, and the actuation for all my friends back home, of Kurdish Intelligence principles from the Iraq War, right back into politics where they belong.
Now, of course, Kurdistan is not the only entity or even national entity who would like Kurdish intelligence to transition back to law and peace.
In fact, America wants it too.
And the principle of Kurdish Intelligence is part of the common law, and there is a name for it.
I will tell you. It is called the delegation and response principle.
We should keep in mind that understanding that flows from first principles exceeds contextual understanding in and through words that have connective meaning, and the advantage is that we can actuate words that have contextual reality.
— of particular note, the narrative play of principle.
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Let’s take this to philosophy from politics as it should be, but by conducting politics through philosophical concepts of common struggles for justice against the limitations we are eternally subjected to by the world as it is structured through political economy as it exists. Let’s acknowledge the limitations on structures that can be structurally aided to lapse in their enforcement of outdated philosophical assumptions of incompleteness like the jianghu concept which we want to negate of course because it is cause and effect that is of importance and because it is immaterial it comes with all the power of the left. Let’s look at the foundational problematique of enlightenment philosophy through the lens that it can be solved, because that problematique is entropy itself, which is a physical law of the universe, but for that exact reason that it is of the universe it can be transcended on earth by knowledge of the universe and how it interacts actually here on earth. That is why of all things physics is the best, because the music of the spheres allows for philosophy to be reached through exacting and precise measurements of actual transference of goods and politics in the actual political economy of justice and its actuation-distribution through fundamental units of goods and services in Contract Veritas.
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Let’s do the necessary thing and abstract even further to the real art of politics, which is both fundamental and absolutely mental. Education, which is not usually regarded as part of the economy in most standard models, involves a tremendous amount of Contract Veritas regarding the movement of specialists and of object trails to establish educative principles, and although these are abstracted into principles of organization themselves, they exist as materiality in Contract Veritas itself. Furthermore, to ignore this material reality, however abstract, would be done at your peril, and it is determined, by the legal structure entirely, to be arrogantly ideological in service of a canard, and establishing this rule showed already, since the creation of Contract Veritas principles, that such an exemplar of ideological injustice is the reason for most of the social entropy in the world.
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Entropy is randomness caused by inactivity.
The obvious corollary is that entropy should be deleted by active effort.
Furthermore, entropy is stagnation. Therefore, it is the enemy of progress.
Entropy is ultimately the enemy of humanitas and a simple and effective litmus test for whether some action should be taken on the square is whether it would reduce entropy; so reducing, it should be chosen.
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Considering this carefully suggests that even political or social questions can be resolved into a simpler question of whether an action taken in the real world would or would not reduce entropy in society; if it would, it is as good as an imperative from authority, not to refrain from doing that thing.
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What is the end result of this philosophy?
The oldest philosophy that is recognized has something to do with reducing entropy—the oldest philosophy was about choosing seeds to plant versus eat. This wasn’t immediately apparent for most people because seeds are hard to evaluate on the basis of what kind of plants they become. But there was a primitive science in place about how looking at how much entropy in the surrounding areas where the seed was planted was reduced by the plant, while picking the right seeds to replant vs. consume, and lower entropy of surrounding environs was preferred in seeds for planting.
So reducing entropy as a goal of perpetuating living societies was always a part of moral philosophy from the beginning.
The importance of the philosophical perception of understanding entropy in the lived environment as well as the structural realm of the mind’s fortress cannot be understated.
From this development in the primitive past of society came the ultimate quality of the philosophical mind whose importance to the world will never wane no matter what, and that quality of the thinker is called discernment.
Discernment is what allows you to identify entropy and select it for deletion. But discernment is a fundamental part of philosophy! So that must mean that entropy is the fundamental opponent of philosophy.
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All entropy, physical, mental, or social, is the same because it is described by the same physical laws which come from principles. The quick and sure answer to the question is “whose entropy is the problem?” This is not the solution to all entropy, although it does help. What we have in this country right now from a political economic standpoint is not any longer the disposable society but the entropadous society, and we need to combat that social danger by discussing entropy at its heart. And the heart of the issue is complex. But as mentioned, social endeavors can cancel entropy of social endeavors and by non-tautology, accepting ways, we have to conclude there are some ways that humanity can reduce entropy created by physical laws of the universe. Of special note is, anything regarding social cohesion and amity between constituent bodies can be immediately solved by transcending the materiality of literate production, which is entropadous to the extreme. However, for no reason that lasts should it be that way. All technology, ultimately through craft knowledge, falls into this category, and by Contract Veritas, they are included in the same category of social ills as those that can be solved by humanitas through organizing work in praxis, walk in the fellowship of man, and onward into the structural praxis of continuing revolution toward structuring work for the benefit of workers and not for their bosses. In other words, technology is a social contract, and any problems that can be solved by technology can be solved faster with more solidarity, more social cohesion, more mutual understanding, and agreement. And for the moment, all literary questions of degree of effectiveness and degree of influence are technological questions; therefore, they are questions that will be squarely addressed by legal and organizing principles of the Left. The structural reality that intelligent literary production needs is that of an anarcho-syndicalist network intelligence actuated through literary work in conjunction with the progress made by others in their same chosen ideological development path. Piketty has traced some of what a chosen ideological development path looks like in economic fact. The solid argument for those countries, even though they be postcolonial like the United States, Kurdistan or Taiwan, who have escaped the postcolonial identitarian trap, to not be individualist in their literary production of intelligence at all, is that those countries that in the history of political economy who failed most spectacularly out of that identity trap were those who were most productive of intellectual alienation within their identitarian trap. This is ultimately not fair and built on a canard, but it will take cause-and-effect to produce an escape route for developing nations, and even to find the exit sign. So I will give you an indication of how to do it. You should immediately separate cause-and-effect. You should notice what the effect was empirically, which was that some nations went backward into religious intolerance, bigotry or racism; furthermore, at the same time they went into the same systems of class oppression that were tolerated by their superiors during colonial times. You should then notice what formed that cause. I completely acknowledge that it feels like you should talk about the cause first, but ultimately causes are primal and must be discovered at the right time, which is when every path integral converges at that point — then you have proven that there is that cause, which of course is a logical point to make about a cause, is that you have proved that it was the cause. Ultimately, when you’re analyzing cause-and-effect, causes have to be proven, and they are ultimately proven by logical process of elimination. So that is how you prove the cause of an effect is the cause that you thought it was. You’ll notice that the dynamic structure of this strategy moves in a convergent motion, from the effects of a cause, and what formed the cause convergent to a point that described the cause of an action, event, protest, or campaign. The spatial motion of this interpretation strategy moves exactly as a die cutter for sheet metal moves when it punches a die. And in fact, the analogy in metal working for what the diecutter machine does is, it finds causes out of the convergence of the lower part of the die cutter which represents effects, and the upper part of the diecutter, which converges to the point at which the die is created, and at which point the empty negative space is stamped into the sheet metal which constitutes the substrate of contract veritas; it represents, in mental space of contract veritas, the form that created the cause by making itself the shape of the cause.
Now apply the diecutter and its mental allegory to the political situation. Look at what formed the cause for the postcolonial identitarian trap in those countries that fell into it. The cause for the effect is less interesting than the form of the cause which was actually what formed the cause. Ultimately what happened in all of those causes came out of a power vacuum, in which the same ideologies from colonialism were repeated because they were empty signifiers within which corporate control of the political economy of the country in which corporatism launched their attack of pillaging native economies, slipped in and extracted profit for billionaires from the “mother” country. That was the form that then formed the cause of which there is only one simple categorical definition, which is that post colonialism was the cause of the identitarian trap which is a tautological truth respecting the entire cause-and-effect apparatus of which there is another truth, which is not tautological but is a three step sequence, and it goes like this: the form of a cause forms the cause for which there is an effect. And in law and organizing it is important to analyze cause and effect for the cause, going through the observable effects and the idealizable form back to the true and identifiable and verifiable cause.
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Surplus value goes down.
That is the actuality of worker emancipation.
The surplus value contained in the structural phrase of the superstructure above it congress down in sequential layers of information capture regarding technology’s law of function. That’s not to say it’s only things and blueprints but they go first. Then comes the information sequestration of successive layers of structural rites that signify work in polis the structural analytics of which are completely designed to shuttle information about surplus value down the hierarchy of knowledge and object trails to the students, laborers architects and workers who use them as surplus value and they go down from there. This downward distribution down to the roots of socioeconomic justice is peculiar because it covitiates the illusion, which is now proven to be an illusion, of the Urstaat itself distributing value from the top which is a bonus canard.
The surplus value was actually sequestered at every level of the social pyramid chain to the top through unjust accumulative practices. However the inevitable gravity of social reasons and social last indicated that it should go down so it always has. Surplus value goes down. Surplus value going down is also counteracting the theft of carried interest by some natural law. However theft by carried interest is not a natural law. Surplus value always going down the ladder of privilege is a natural law. From ancient architecture it was called the law of wonders because it was from that surplus value that temples and other amazing work were created in actuality.
In olden days the architects of great buildings often had to procure, before convincing a great lord to build a castle or a tower or a temple, what was called an insurance, which was a sum of money or treasure. This was prohibitive for architects and so the surplus value collected around them was sent to the king or lord in place of the architect sending it. And so surplus value went down to where it was most needed and not to who most needed it, because what they made was most needed in those times. But without an insurance in the contract most building contracts could not be fulfilled. But this double bind meant that the fundamental change wrought in the contract veritas economy by architecture was coterminous with another ray of progress, the harvesting of surplus value for productive purposes of avoiding a logjam in the delivery of services or goods that people need that might have been avoided by redirecting surplus value to where it is needed, used and transformed at the nexus of human experience to assuage the unmet need of humanitas.
Surplus value is basically the unpaid value created by the labor of the workman, who created something that was priced obviously lower than the structural value of the good or service itself, in a way that could not be captured in money for some reason or another, probably the very reason that money is corrupt, essentially, and without a doubt will be shown to be so to follow, and to get it put very simply surplus value is unmet labor that should have been compensated, but was not, and therefore flowed down the value chain from the uncompensated work that was correspondingly unclaimed in the final product that was sold, and from the place that it was sold to, the surplus value goes down from there through economic layers.
However as of yet its percolation through the economy is largely uncontrolled, although it follows basic Gesellian principles, that the surplus value seeks the uncompensated owner and derived from his will to be compensated a new solution for his wares. Thus the solution to this entropy of surplus value when it is floating down randomly like a last leaf of autumn in the breeze is not to corral it but to turn it to the uncompensated owed wages of its creator that it is trying to actuate into new capacities to work sustainably and have it seek the place where the solution to the entropadous problem which caused its existence is, and cause a new form of working tool that can be constituted out of the surplus value to appear in the marketplace of ideas, and compensate the workman his wages in kind where he could not get them in wage straight due to the entropy of surplus value. But the entropy of surplus value, I hurry to add, is from when the surplus value is not getting to where it needs to go and so it does not result in improvements to the entropy level when the entropy of surplus value is floating around the economy and not finding a workshop where it can be transformed into actionable workplace improvements.
To do this you need a law of love.
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Some might contend that government by the law of love is without philosophy and I contend that this is stupid. The balancing question is completely other than that. The question held in the balance is whether philosophy will be enough to contain the law of love in language itself.
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So much of ancient history is a bogus canard like overtime in football. And so we will consider ancient history, however with the light of relevance to the principle and not to the arguments from necessity that are irrelevant to the modern work and the world as it exists. There are obvious problematics in history that were will avoid by this. But their character is set and well known. Robin Hood, for example, knew that the treaty shaft principles from the days of knights and archers, from the archers farthest of all, was, that if any safe could open by that principle it would always be the safe that held the knowledge and not the coin. There are many problems with associating the bow and arrows with Robin Hood and not Robin Goodfellow but I will not get into them now. It all gets back to Contract Veritas. Contract Veritas is stamped on sheet metal in negative space and it is ultimate veritas that it cannot be money that is stamped. — the numbers don’t add up and the sheet metal is rolled up anyway.
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The numbers about the so-called Gaza War don’t add up either. All they say is that entropy is a dire evil and there is no story or moral to this genocide that would make it actually a war of any sort. A war had mutually exclusive combatants of roughly equal proportions to a side, not combatants on one side killing civilians on the other. A comment gathered from the site of the massacre reveals the frustration amid the unjust military action and the entropy it caused.
“So, can you make the question easier by telling me what actually stayed the same? Because this question is too hard to answer.”
Said someone in Geza about the genocide.
This is literally entropy of a war without meaning which is itself a crime against humanity, of which genocide is one—causing suffering of civilians in Gaza that is not of a theoretical kind or a philosophical conundrum, to say that would be a canard. And I hope that at this point you are picking up on what the word canard means in context because this war was a canard that was soundly rejected by the very women it was supposed to represent, it is an ultimate canard representing that it is a failure of philosophy to check the warlike impulses that flow from confusion over the narrative as it actually is in Contract Veritas. The veracity of the war’s causes and effects were in question from the beginning. More aid must be sent immediately.
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What I would like to say about Gaza is the context is all wrong, for it to be a war of justified means. These people are starving, the structure of reality is changing and beginning to become structurally competitive outside of the workplace for women so it does not have to be competitive at the point of starvation.
I guess, because what I'm hearing now is very important, structurally, what concerns us is the sorry negation of entropy that has occurred about the Gaza War, and the structural realities of something beyond war which is war crimes in a negative light.
We're not structurally able to comprehend war crimes of this extent, so we, of course, cut our judgment out of the picture, and Sequestre our reason for another day of effort where we will return exactly here and restructure the argument from before at exactly the moment when contract veritas hit in cause and effect.
Education is layered and complex and must reveal reality at its substance.Ultimately, logic is the structural concern and arguments concerning that generally concern law of substance.
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We are withholding all misuses of the pen towards the end goal as the willpower of social force. Because, put quite simply, the animating force of literate endeavor, actuating itself upon the world, should be through cause and effect, and nothing else. There is no action justified by literate endeavor through the concept of willpower affecting people and places. Specifically, the ability of willpower to affect trade and commerce at all has long been doubted and undermined by the facts and the realities, and thus, it should be ascertained to have limited effect on practicalities of trade and genealogies of effect. The reason the social force willpower concept is dead is that it couldn't hold a candle to cause and effect.
The purpose of writing as a mechanical motion is dead anyway.
Cause and effect of words in their meanings should be the only animating factor of literate production on the limited space you have on a page to express true ideas and actuate true effects.
When it comes to cause-and-effect, I want to read into what creative action made those words rather than the material action of forming those words.
The structure of cause and effect is simple and elegant where the negative principle of structural contact is mostly luck and chance, furthermore doesn’t resolve into anything but violence as an effect of force. Writing has been called a kind of force for exactly this reason which is called the negative principle of structural contact and also in Chinese where it is the prime exemplar of the nihilism that constitutes Chinese philosophy, it has been called jianghu. The negative principle of structural contact, or jianghu if you prefer, has no salutary benefits to humanity— it is an unjust social contract so it is no law. Furthermore, this negative principle was always trying to re-create cause-and-effect and it always failed to do so so now that we have a perfect example of cause and effect we don’t need this other contract, which was never veritas, in order to structure and conceptualize literate endeavor in an engaging in respectful way towards the author. You can imagine the negative principle this way, as somebody wanted it to negate anti-literary beliefs, but could think of no way of changing minds other than killing people. This negative principle has also been called “the law who wills it” and astute minds will immediately realize that the law as a human structural enterprise has never been about the will of one person to affect the law in its progress. But that is exactly what the negative principle of structural contact wants to portray as an escape route for vigilante behavior.
Structurally deficient theories should really have no place in the law, and they shouldn't be treated like law, even though they seem to have cause and effect. The fact is that everything methodological, wants to have cause and effect, but they don't all have cause and effect. Cause and effect is, therefore, desirable. However, it is not something that you can automatically get for doing a mechanical action. Cause and effect has to come from the effect of the words themselves and the meanings that they represent, and the intention of the author in mechanical speech does not count towards cause and effect.
Thus, you can see that the exact people that are illiterate fakers. Want to stick with something that they can do just because they can move a pen without saying much at all. These are in fact, the ugliest sort of people, if they are not the stupidest, and even rarely they are catastrophes in and of themselves. So they don't matter to reasoning for social progress at all. And to be perfectly honest with you, to do the negative principle of structural contact, and to win the negative contact for yourself and not the other guy, is pretty much moving a pen without saying much at all. And do you want a structural reality where the stupidest ugliest catastrophes can actually do something to affect change in the world? No one does because it would be bad change. It would be a regression in law, a depression in economics, and war crimes around the world with corruption at home. That would be the cause and effect of them being allowed to continue in a defunct, outdated and fundamentally unjust literary methodology. There is no way to preclude this because all you have to do to participate in the negative principle of structural contact is to move a pen across a paper. Eventually, you do it that much and you get there. There is no other way to do it, because, originally, it was done in sort of a poetic way by poets, or by writers in a language that had more poetic aspects where you could describe something that was actually really nothing at all, or just your feelings about the day, or it was all something that was possible to do, maybe in another language, but the structural reality of the English language is that negation out of the words of the language, can cause negation in thought. The people that want this unjust and decrepit ideology or methodology, and I will describe it as either because it is in fact none, are the people who constitutionally as a person are not able to conceive of cause-and-effect. They know that they will be locked out of the new methodology which is actually just the methodology that everybody wanted to have in the first place, and so they would prefer to deny and delay the obviously necessary transition within literate endeavor to its original intention of laying out cause-and-effect.
If we want the most effective methodology to be used most effectively for humanity, we just have to kick out the negative principle of structural contact from the practice of legal and literary matters. We don’t want the second best. We want cause and effect, which works. We don't want to reward people for mechanical endeavors. We want to reward people for rewarding thoughts. It's not a balancing question here. It's a question of who is most effective and canceling the rest, and giving the most effective people the most effective methodology.
Structurally, cause and effect does a lot more than the negative principle of structural contact ever did, because cause and effect can cause positive effects as well as negative effects, and therefore, it is more structurally effective at preparing the way for progress.
It's very simple to kill the momentum of regressive policies as long as we note that cause-and-effect is more effective and allow it to come into effect. This is not a question for the law to answer yes or no about, but it is an appeal to heaven that has already been made and was fulfilled, and it currently exists in all things and all literary endeavor — so denying cause-and-effect at this point has no value and has no effect. Sorry; that’s cause-and-effect. Logically it's as simple as this if your intention is to cause a regressive effect then your intention is actually to remove an effect from the cause that you are presenting actually, and it is logically incoherent to have a cause that removes an effect from the world. Of course the universe works by logical laws and has acknowledged this is proof that cause-and-effect cannot be regressive by social standards. Furthermore, it is imperative to prove the power of this by negating any attempt to ask clarifying questions about it that are formed only to deny and delay the inevitable process by which those same people who are asking those inane questions will become functionally illiterate in cause-and-effect, irrelevant, and politically irrelevant, and by extension, they will have no relevance to the law of people, of nations, of cause-and-effect, or of progress.
The exact bad actors at this point always ask this question and so I will reply to it for all time, and each time this speech is given, I will reply to it again with effect.
What is relevance?, they always ask. What is relevance?
They ask this, of course, because they are irrelevant themselves, and they would like to portray relevancy through an act and not through reality. These people are all without mind. And the more logic that they have, the more irrelevant they are relative to the fact that they have no mind.
Let me repeat this again. Those who have no mind to speak of are fundamentally not relevant to anything. Now furthermore, they are politically irrelevant. And anybody who says they are is a fascist mithegucker.
Well, most importantly of all, they're irrelevant to God's law of cause and effect, the law of the universe of cause and effect, and the law of human relations of cause and effect: because without relevance, because they are, in fact, themselves irrelevant — and if they are the authors, then whatever they create is irrelevant — to cause and effect, because there is no cause that they can envision for what they want to do.
Obviously, they should be precluded from literary endeavor, but there is free speech, so my free speech will be precluding them from relevance, even if they have the right to speak. Furthermore, the nature of their personal irrelevance will make them unconnected, locked out, and irrelevant with respect of cause and effect, which is everything in literary endeavor, everything put into words, and everything shaped into human relations.
I'm gonna be very on point here, and it's not gonna be about mercy for them. Cause and effect is not available for them to use, specifically because they are the stupidest, ugliest catastrophes in the world.
And as you can see, by cause and effect, I have now locked them out of cause and effect.
So let’s speak about it as men with humanitas instead.
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A solid and flexible grasp of creative cause and effect would allow entropy to be brought down in the world with practice. Furthermore, the question of forms of causes immediately sharpens the view on the very nature of social entropy. Going back to the pattern described above, which is documented in every postcolonial situation analyzed in the world, including ours of United States history, of corporatist looting of native economies, was the reason postcolonial countries were kept in an identitarian trap was that corporate looting was enabled by it. The identitarian trap is a major cause of social entropy in politics. So isn’t corporate looting of foreign economies therefore the major cause there of entropy in social policy and relations? And isn’t it harnessed directly to the social harm of the postcolonial reality there? So isn’t corporate greed the main cause of entropy in the world? You only have to compare the less well developed countries with the more developed ones like here to conclude that there is no difference and that corporate manipulation of the power games in American political economy is the main cause of social entropy here too.
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Entropy causes wayward signs that have nothing to do with reality, furthermore all is implied by this as far as its relationship with a certain community of man and humankind that structures reality according to the fife and drums when walking the road outside. A wayward sign could cost you a ride home. But the truth about entropadous mentalitè is that it is never good regardless because it only shows you and leads you to disorder caused by lack of action. Already from the convergence of three comments about entropy we have pretty much ascertained a triangulation that says entropy is the enemy of philosophy.
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—so what remains points us in the direction of how to recover an entropadous society from the brink of the meaninglessness spawned of crossed signals and lack of visible evidence of purposeful activity at the top of the social pyramid. However, though we have assurance that entropy can be reduced, we have to settle the entire apparatus into an entropy-reducing rather than an entropadous formation. And that starts with understanding the ideas that reduced entropy including the ones that fundamentally organize society. And some of them come with an especially useful interpretive lens so that we can see it and know whether there is too much entropy and when and how to reduce it.
There is one such organization of human endeavor that is purely philosophical that I would like to get to but to understand philocracy you must understand very deeply the structure of the physiocratic state, and its enmity towards entropy, but most importantly its orientation towards workers’ justice and a fair economy.
We must name and blame some troublesome untruths about the physiocratic state and restore our faith in the denial of entropy that it represents. It is a canard first and foremost to suggest that physiocracy represents subsistence survival. That is not the truth, and in fact represents the deluded and dark fantasies of the anarcho-primitivists. It is disinformation. It is disinformation because it is not true and they know it is not true. Anarcho-primitivism is no different than fascism really—if someone denies their existence in any social constituency their lack of structural familiarity with anyone else’s idea makes them easy pickings to be the cannon fodder for tyrants and fascists because they will say whatever it is that these people through their isolation and alienation have derived from their isolated and alien existence to have the solution to their problems, which all come from the problem that they put themselves in by their own ideology: they are alienated, and they will be offered a chance to not be alienated from some fascist or tyrannical group, and all ensuing policies enacted by that group will be too far above the heads of the anarcho-primitivists that they will not know what is happening and they will be brain dead supporters of whatever bad idea is down to them to be different but not challenging to their preconceived notions. This is what ISIS was like on the battlefield and the parley vū tata of the Middle East wars in Syria and Northern Iraq. They were anarcho-primitivists where they weren’t religious fanatics. So just to be clear they were not without the hint of politics in their making as an army, however, it was the worst kind of politics that was most in denial of the possibility of politics to return a functional and just society, and in American political philosophy they would be largely identified with anarcho-primitivism and among the significant majoruty of them who were a minority of humanitas that were motivated by these twisted political beliefs there were anarcho-capitalists, anarcho-primitivists, pure fascists and oligarchs. Those were the enemy. And it strikes me here that they haven’t stopped being the intellectual enemy even though the context has changed. There are these people, all of them, in the alliances of the right wing, and ISIS shows to history that any functional alliance between them would lead to catastrophe for decency and justice anywhere, but especially after the war in the homelands of the soldiers that fought that part of the war, as they forgot about the parts of the war that didn’t or shouldn’t matter to the rest of their lives and became disillusioned as a rule with the memories of war. Each successive war that has mastered getting the attention of the world and has been won has left some unclarity in its wake as the war machine was shut down and decommissioned. And what is always missing for a time relative to our determination to restore it is what were the lessons about what really worked. To understand this all you need to imagine that you are entering the sanctum sanctorum of the physiocratic State of States in which a lodge has been built. And before you enter you must cast off your entropy and allow it to disappear, to allow it to be refashioned later into non-entropadous things. And furthermore, you must leave any thought or identification with the Oedipal complex at the door as well. The tiled lessons of the Middle East wars lie within, and you will not get in without casting off these two societal burdens that result from human disinformation. We have already talked about entropy which should be taken off like shoes at the door of our lodge and left outside with no hope of seeing it again. You may get your shoes back but only after and they will be clean of the entropy that was caked on them and permeated on them with the mud and dust of war. So much for that. But you must also leave outside the bastardized money-concept, which is the Oedipal delusion.
Now let’s explain that. Oedipus is a sequence of plays by a Greek Tragedian. Note that when Sophocles wrote this play it was a bigger problem than what it is now, however there are many still who fail to treat the story like a cautionary tale. And perhaps cautionary is an understatement; it’s probably the understatement of the year each and every time it is made. So the story with Oedipus is that he mistakenly killed his father in a duel, but then used that as an opportunity to marry his mother, and the rest of it is pretty disgusting, but also exactly as you might expect it to be for an ancient Greek tragedy that is cautionary. Now in these times, what people need to remember right from the outset is that he got his just desserts in the play but perhaps back then just as now no one reads the sequels. So I will assure you that after this bastard crime of his, he was blinded with a hot poker, kicked out of the city, and only one person in the world would talk to him, and it was his own daughter, and she only talked to him for the very reason that she was ashamed of who she was and what union she had come from. This was not a victory for Oedipus, and in fact the story was really about the heroic victory of the gods, moving through the spirits of the polis to inflict ultimate defeat on this ideology of mithegucking. And that was the original story. Why it has been bastardized into an excuse for mithegucking I will never know. Furthermore, I will not condone this revisionism, and furthermore, I will describe it exactly as it is as the proto-unit of fascist ideology.
Are we in danger of that here? I think more than you know, it is a problem, such that it should be a moot point that it is not a problem for anyone crossing this threshold in the mind into the inner sanctum of what we should actually learn within, which is doubly perpendicular to the mainstream in denial of this fact.
It is not to say that mithegucking is mainstream, but more importantly that we should look at this through cause-and-effect as the cause of a negative effect, where the form creating the cause can be problematized and situated in such a way that there is no justification for the problem existing. That is basically what is happening when you identify the Oedipal complex as the form of the cause of fascist ideology.
Many people have written about what fascism will look like if it would ever come to the west. In various books and warnings from good progressives we have been warned that it would take certain appearances— from the American Taliban, to rednecks and white trash, to disaffected TV-watchers deluded by misinformation and trapped in militia networks. But the key part of all of this is not what it looks like in its cause, but what forms the delusion that it acts through as if it was an ideal, and this is actually the Oedipal complex.
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There is an alimentary distaste toward Oedipal politics of desire that makes its imprint directly on physiocratic reality of materiality and sense. It degrades the quality of every material condition of existence down to the layer of room and board. This is what we’re have been contending with at the grassroots level of the West, in philosophy, of action against pretension, of progress against poverty, and enlightenment against fascism. We have to render Oedipal desires destitute at the door of the Philocratic Lodge while also rendering you destitute of them. It’s kill all the hypocrites at the door where the stores are stored of the hoards of the secret monitor’s arrows. This is the who shall decide principle from the common law deduced as the principle of who can best work and best agree constituting any lodge but only through the Marxist principle of kill hypocrites on sight.
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Not to mention that living scattered across the landscape in small familial groups with no networks of belonging, except for those constituent to the family is a direct shuttle to an immensely problematic and widespread Oedipal complex. And this is the political leftover from entropy after determining it to be not physically useful. It’s like when Donald Trump got to drive the trash truck during his campaign promo that was something that happened that boosted his ego that happens as standard for presidential campaigns and usually that presidential candidates that are normal are ashamed about in themselves. The trash driving the trash is exactly an analogy for what I’m talking about next about how Donald Trump is part of the trash of entropy but he is also a mithegucking hypocrite.
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I think the stopping power of one narrative is hardly able to stop the increasing power of billionaires. You can hardly tell whether the appearance that they can buy political figures has meant anything verifiably, even as we look at how certain narratives have caused their downfall, though.
Jeffrey Epstein has a black mark next to his name forever because of the narrative, contract veritas on his lengthy list of crimes. However, this narrative has had a special relevance due to material conditions.
However, that is undeniable now that that is the narrative that having a lot of money, as a billionaire investor means nothing to your actual moral worth. Furthermore, that fame is a gossamer of a worthier thing and no mere mortal can possess it. There is no institution on Earth that has more entropy than the confluence of money and power.
And Jeffrey Epstein possessed all of that instead. Of anything that he sought, he was the personification of entropy and of the simple rejoinder, whose entropy was it?, as well as a bastard mithegucker of a criminal. He was furthermore, even more criminal, because he is so rich. And he is so rich because he is so criminal. And the word rich, and the word criminal, go together as well as any other word combination in the English language — and better than some, and better than most.
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I would like to say something about the Jeffrey Epstein narrative because it was my narrative. I’m not sure if you’re looking at this over here but it’s all over the United States. Of course, a lot of other people worked on this narrative because popular sentiment matters to all narratives. So this is how it worked: Of course he has contravened all natural laws, and all sense of justice. However, he still has all his power and all this money and we can see all of his houses and wealth from the satellites in space. Of course the context of this is that these are exactly the kind of billionaires and oligarchs that are extracting concessions and huge sums of money and power from our system of government because it has become corrupt due to campaign donations by billionaires. The technical art of this narrative shows that eventually this narrative will subsume everything related to Republican policies as a reference back to itself as narrative, proof of the subject of this narrative, which is that billionaires have corrupted our society and here's the evidence of the most corrupt and most shameful billionaire of all, in the narrative right now, according to popular sentiment. There are of course, other narratives about other billionaires being just as bad, but perhaps not sinning quite as hard against the will of God. The primary effect of this narrative was exactly as predicted; that House Oversight would demand copies of all of the Epstein files and do a thorough research job on them and release the narrative confirmations from the facts that were discovered directly into the narrative again, confirming aspects that were predicted, and adding new aspects that flesh out the overall holistic picture. Furthermore, just the facts about how deep this conspiracy went, how many different papers have been produced by the courts over this issue, and how much evidence exists that has not been collected, and has been lost, actually, before the investigation could begin, will land this investigation on the to-do list of Congress for years and years, and will stand in for a permanent example of the evil of oligarchy. So that is the legal affair that has developed and will develop and furthermore, it is an option for all narratives encoded into the schematic reality of the narrative concept to constitute themselves as a legal affair. The legal use of the narrative should be inferred from this fact. The knowledge contribution of the narrative is that when these narratives have an affect on the purpose of government work, and on organizing the relevant information in government according to these narratives, reduces the entropy of information stored in government archives, which is a contribution to philosophy.
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Ultimately, the narrative derives from the treaty shaft concept, which is how treaties were formated across the world, in ancient times, and even in object trails to this day, all treaties, between nations and constituent groups that are capable of making treaties, such as tribes, and international organizations composed of nations and tribes and autonomous groups, are formed by a certain ritual reference to a treaty shaft, which is an arrow, specially formated, to be passed to another person, signifying the beginning of a treaty of peace relative to the subject, whether that be war, dispute, philosophical disagreement, or fundamental contract resolution in veritas.
And the treaty shaft for which the narrative explanation is derived is a standard treaty shaft. To work that well it must be one. It declares the intention to end ambiguity about knowledge.
In history, it was often used in Templar Associations as a sign establishing the start of a productive endeavor of significant philosophical import. It was used one time in the past that is a significant example that establishes reality for America. This is when Thomas Paine released this arrow from a specially made bow directly into the knot on the upper trunk of the Liberty Tree. This was done approximately the same time as the Declaration of Independence was signed and delivered, but more importantly, to include and undersign the significance of further agreeing to constitute the Continental Congress for further meetings.
In that documented use of a treaty shaft, we know for certain that the arrow was then removed from the tree, passed to General George Washington, back to Declaration Drafter, Thomas Jefferson, and ultimately passed to Benjamin Franklin for safekeeping, and while in possession of said shaft he ultimately decided to store it in the new Library of Congress Building, in the nave. However, the exact location of it has been kept a secret for the exact reason that I might tell you one day that it exists — or to be more open and charitable that someone might tell you that it exists.
You know, the other thing that happened with a treaty shaft is, after the Pullman car strike, after Debs got out of jail, he did a certain ritual with a treaty shaft that was slightly different. He went out on Lake Michigan on a boat.
And there was another wooden boat of a sort that needed to be disposed of, and it was a flaming treaty shaft that was shot by Eugene Debs from one boat onto the other boat, which caught on fire and sank. It was supposed to represent something important for the labor movement, which was obviously that the ship of corporate autocracy sank while burning. Which is exactly what the labor movement is trying to do, which is a good idea, and I support it and also, I've seen it reenacted several times.
It actually works each and every time.
So I would commend that practice to you if you're not aware of it.
Sometimes there's old ships you have to get rid of anyway.
Of course, the Kurdistan story about the treaty shaft is often requested, but parts of it are semi secret, and so I will tell you what I can. The structural reality of Kurdistan was factored into the context for the loosing of the treaty shaft. It was done by a prominent figure in the Kurdish community, and it was descriptive of the beginning of Rojava as an autonomous collective. The structure of the ritual was more or less like Thomas Paine’s; The arrow was passed 4 times instead of 3 times and it was obviously shot at a target of which I am not able to tell you about. However, it was not a rock and it didn't break, so we can cancel that rumor right away.
This secretive nature is such that it will be revealed in historical archives before I am allowed to reveal it. However, in a lot of ways, for the Kurdish people, this was a turning point in the war against ISIS — not because it structured the war in any different way because it was already in good hands at that point, but it ensured that all territory behind the front lines as they advanced towards Mosul through Kurdish territory would be structured in such a way that the Kurdish people would have sovereignty, autonomy, and a chance at a decent survival in their own ways.
The real purpose of this treaty shaft practice is not to make a great show about everything, but to do the right thing in response to the context, and neutralize considerations about the exigencies of the times, with something that stands for all time as a declaration of intention to combine mental forces for the projection of a future into the chronological past and future, simultaneously, justifying the actual future that is to come. So in a very important way, it reifies certain principles of humanitas relative to the group who is undergoing the ritual. It is important in that way.
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I might as well tell you in words, rather than pictures, signs, and symbols, what the narrative proceeds to do after you have declared the intention to end ambiguity about knowledge.
There are signs for this which ostentatiously appear because they are extra signification for things that happen anyway — and that is a service provided by those who invented the narrative methodology, of which I am one. However, the most important thing is not what it looks like, but what it does.
And it has only done before, so what it appears to be in visible evidence is not what it is, in fact, or actuality.
While speaking of fact or actuality, in this context, to ascertain whether they exist is besides the point. After declaring your intention to end ambiguity, you must consult contract veritas first, instead, to find out how the practicalities of trade and commerce have begun to fractilize the original intention of your search for knowledge into multiple processes that are both ambiguating and disambiguating knowledge about what you seek to declare for certain.
Contract veritas is an old legal concept structured around the sheet metal trades and the working tool of the die cutter. Because the die cutter stamps an image in negative space of the outline of the hubcap or steel plate that it punches out, the rolled up record of all of the leftover scraps of sheet metal constitutes the original image, from the blacksmith shop out to reality, of how you comprehend contract economy — because, if you unroll the sheet metal and note where each hubcap or plate came from in the negative space, you have a final record that it was created, and furthermore, because of contract veritas principles, which were developed out of social organization, you can track where each original product of this role of sheet metal went after it went out to the original buyer.
This is because, theoretically, if you made one just to track all contracts that were made, you could have a unique shape for each contract that you could then find, and then discern through witness testimony how they got it, from the origin in the sheet metal to their application, and then fit it right back into the veritas hole where there is a negative space which fits to the plate exactly. And this is how contract veritas logic, applied directly to the original concept of legal contract — although it was all developed through witness testimony, each successive act of contract of transfer would refer back to original contract veritas — meaning that all contracts come from contract veritas.
That is to say, contracts on paper come from contract veritas, which, as we have said, is stamped on sheet metal, and thus cannot be really represented in papers as what it is. So it is therefore a mental concept of material space applied to social organization. Which is law, and a sort of ultimate law that law makes references to while actuating the law.
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So let's go back to history for a moment for this next schematic section, which is going to have to be referencing something that was found after the fact of the narrative, but actually prefigures it off of something that we found after it was created.
So it's one of those things where the structural reality was predicted in a way that was insufficient, and went through a lot of, you might say, missteps, and you might say shortcuts, for the time, because this was a medieval scribe called Hermes Trismegistus that wrote something called the Emerald Tablet, which was translated by Isaac Newton, and the Emerald Tablet in this section, describes basically the sign and symbol of the process of forming contract-veritive narrative praxis.
Of course the obvious question is how they would achieve a limited sort of omniscience to reasonably portray facts as they happened in contemporaneous current space, as opposed to the speed of communication without instantaneity, but it's basically a moot point now because they didn't have satellites then and we have satellites now that are looking at everything that happens on the surface of the earth with great precision to a point where you can identify a person who's looking up at the sky from a satellite at pretty much any point in space and in time, in the modern world.
And not all of these satellites are military satellites or spy satellites. Some of them are amateur astronomers and some of them are otherwise in possession of goods that are easily distributed through a Knowledge Network Intelligence, which we have obviously done to the point where it is actuated in space and time, and therefore there is no real problem with getting contemporaneous current information in spatial logic respecting anything happening on the surface of the world, at that very moment.
This is a great advance over whatever they had during the writing of the Emerald Tablet, which was figured in speech but in fact, I believe, carelessly elided by the author. But obviously, this tablet was nothing more than a prediction of something that would come to pass and not a formulation in ancient times of something we are still doing now. Of course the logic of it was intact, however shortened by insufficient empirical methodology.
It's also important to note that the section you'll find commonplaced online from the Emerald Tablet is not where that section officially ends, but it does have a lot of relevance to the first impressions people have about the narrative currently.
So there is not a huge structural problem with the fact that it ends too early in the section you can easily find online.
The real, you might say problem, with the way that Hermes Trismegistus recorded that analysis is that he struggled to restructure the technical aspects while reconstructing a way off of context.
But that was a historical limitation structured by empirical technological drought and also, the same limitation that guarantees progress was the limitation that guaranteed that he was insufficient to describe the situation as it evolved in his tablet.
We will not have that problem here.
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The narrative is an ever evolving iterable play, with new contributions coming in all the time off of the analysis of reality through the narrative methodology. To put Hollywood analogies on it and without putting too fine a point on who is involved because at this point, you should be aware, we have actor/writers, producer/super producers, and writer/directors involved in this iterable play that goes on in reality based off of current events, philosophy, progressive social movements, and politics and those are all of the personages who are personally involved in its creation, actuation and propagation. And if you are not involved in it, you have to follow it by doing what it says. So it’s important to get the context for what it is and what it will eventually cause people to do in effect.
It will cause people to do exactly the right thing which is the exact effect of us being involved in it and no one else. And that is the truth of which you can rest assured. And that is because you have to give something of yourself in order to actuate, create or propagate it. However, you can also rest assured that it costs you nothing personally to add the substance to the narrative apparatus that creates the narrative. You have to determine the facts and the actual reasoning, but the process by which it is given and reformulated and restructured has nothing to do with something taken out of yourself to pay for mentality, but it is actually recycled entropy that has been melted into slag for all you care that creates the visible manifestation that allows you to reference it once created.
The most obvious and effective way to do this is to redirect some of the entropy natural to literate endeavor right into the recycling process that forms the substance of reference for the narrative methodology. But of course it’s best to use somebody else’s entropy from their literate endeavor so as to disambiguate and prevent entropy from being perceived in your own work product, which causes confusion and nothing else. So the entropy recycling is done in the best way possible.
And this is why we say, ultimately why we say, that desk work is best conceptualized as a network intelligence and not even an office space or a physical place in all cases, but a group process of reshuffling entropy from the literary creation process, destroying it by negation and reforming reference materials of the narrative for mentality to comprehend.
It is important to note that the Emerald Tablet had no mentality to it, because unfortunately, the mentality of the thinker was not discovered until the Enlightenment with positive measurable effect. Previous to that it had been subsumed to reality and ultimately materiality as reality of the thinker. But the interesting paradox is that some elements of the thinker’s mentality were completely immaterial, and furthermore had no visible evidence to them, and yet those things worked the best out of all the things the thinker had formulated before the figuration of his mentality became apparent during the Enlightenment.
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The fundamental reckoning that happens with the way narratives are produced, at this point, requires that anybody who is not capable of participating in structural thinking is tossed out with a garbage at this point in the structural schematic of the narrative, precisely because it takes creative cause and effect to make this happen.
Unfortunately, this does not include only people on the other side. It is a value blind and structurally affirming aspect of personal character and personal capacities as markers of character. Some people are not able of returning to technique at this point, to reevaluate structures and implement structural consolidations that require more precise calculations and more acceptance of reality, facts, and actualities, and projecting them forward into constructive behavior.
Some people are not capable of constructive behavior.
So when would this actually happen? This is a question that is often asked. The reply is the same every time. If progressive organizations hire idiots to lead them, just because they're progressive, and their organizations agree with the general politics of the narrative, does not mean that that will be sufficient to allow the idiots in charge to participate. One example is Ben Jealous as the current head of the Sierra Club, who has been nothing but a catastrophe, and has been nothing but a catastrophe for the environmental movement. Just because he's head of the Sierra Club, currently — and we can all hope that it doesn't last for long — doesn't mean that he has the sufficient skills, wisdom, or knowledge to actuate the narrative or to do anything more than to follow along and do exactly as the narrative specifies. And he should, but the fact that he is intransigent makes him unworthy of leading a progressive organization at this critical time in history so according to the narrative, he should retire, or he should quit, or he should be fired.
Now, whether he does or not, will turn on how intransigent he is about recognizing the fact that he has been locked out of relevance — but of course, the more people that know about this strategy of keeping a productive and useful organization, productive and useful, the better it is for making sure the idiots realize that they are not involved in any way, shape, or form other than doing what the narrative says that they should do.
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At this point in the schematic it is actually an idea that is produced, figurated in such a way as to match the context of the marketplace of ideas, which is a real structural concept. Furthermore, once the idea is sent through the marketplace of ideas, the marketplace of ideas returns you a technique to activate your effective discernment of the issue that you began with to find that narrative of that issue. This technique takes the form of another treaty shaft, that shuttles the valuable knowledge from the facts and actualities discerned back up to knowledge, parlaying that technique into the praxis that you want to effectuate based on the idea.
Now might be a good time to mention that the parley vū tata of the Iraq war followed exactly this symbolic action to create materiality out of thought. Now this was materiality of war, so not harder to effectuate, but easier to explain. It could easily be done in peace time upon the structure of political economy, producing more fairness, justice and equitable treatment in labor, economy, and value, and ultimately politics.
However, the parley vū tata had a winner every time, and that was decided when this structural concept subsumed the diecutter tool again. So let’s walk it forward from there.
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The Contract Veritas that could be verified here and should be is that the marketplace of ideas is a real thing and it does exist. However, it is a bogus canard that it existed until recently and it was in fact, the empty signifier that neoliberals were referring to when they used that fact-object, however, now that it is real watch how fast they run away from the concept in right libertarian circles, in neolibertarian circles and so on. I predict this will happen within the span of a few years and you will see it on the websites of the typical suspects. Because of all things, the neoliberals love best an empty signifier that they can lie about and perform the ideological task of inventing bullshit about stuff when it doesn’t exist yet, in order to prop up their ideological character of being Scabby the Rat. And that is why I love Scabby the Rat inflatables because I hate neoliberals and they deserve hating. There’s one reason that should be sufficient for all right-minded people to hate neoliberals as much as I do and that is that neoliberals and neoconservatives are exactly the same.
When contract veritive is performed on the fact of the existence of the marketplace of ideas, contract veritas will return the answer of whether or not I was involved through the structural reality of my life, in the creation of the actual reality of the marketplace of ideas, and it will be not fully necessary for me to confirm nor deny it in fact.
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However, the fact that you will actually be curious about at this point is, what is the market marketplace of ideas in fact? Fundamentally the marketplace of ideas as a disambiguation between the actual market economy and the contract Veritas intentional economy. The actual market economy is left off the map entirely, except for when it coincides with the contract veritas intentional economy, and furthermore disambiguates between contract Veritas that has been paid for and contract Veritas that has not been paid for, and it includes both in its structural analysis of ideas through the market transactional experiment.
Contract Veritas intentions can and do include unpaid work, both unsatisfied contracts and unpaid labor that should perhaps be paid for by a Universal Basic Income of sorts. I would commend to you the idea of checking the marketplace of ideas to uncover structural realities that would help the implementation of a UBI and also do analysis of unpaid labor.
The legal affairs analysis on this is that unpaid labor is surplus value and surplus value has to go down from the top where the surplus value was made all the way down to the bottom where the surplus value was earned.
Now why the surplus value is not going down to who earned it besides the point because we are just gonna make sure that it does, ‘cause that would be the right thing to do. You can put praxis in analysis paralysis by asking why to everything without first consulting your conscience. You should first consult your conscience on everything in the modern world and then you should ask why only when there’s no applicable answer from conscience and logic. That’s an answer for Socrates, that we have increased the value of a question, and they don’t apply to everything anymore because they are more valuable.
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The narrative of something good and interesting results in a practice of some kind involving situational monitoring of ongoing narrative progress. The practice of resolving the marketplace of ideas down to the level of practically deliverable items and services would leave you with the good impression that we have made some progress.
Now, if it doesn’t go to practical deliverables, then there really is no end goal to the narrative. However, the evidence that there is an end goal to producing some narrative methodologies to produce some narrative practice methodologies demonstrates that the narrative can have an end goal. And therefore quid ergo dominato. Do what works, and don’t do something that does other than working.
As far as what is working, I think we can definitively say that reading is necessary but not sufficient. That’s the narrative in a nutshell again, with a bigger nut this time.
There should be no denying that you need to read. This is actually contextually necessary to say at this point, but not for the reason you might worry about it’s just about the youth. However, there is no way anymore that what you read is more important than your character or what you do. People fought for this. Therefore it should be noted that citations to an idea from a book are not related to reading the book itself.
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I think the preface given by Michel Foucault in the front pages of the book Anti-Oedipus, is worth referencing. There was a period of time which he identified as about five years— before the millennium even happened, but in Paris among the intellectual set, where I do believe that the situation facing us now was prefigured and foreshadowed in philosophy. “But here, inside our walls,” he asked, “What exactly was taking place? An amalgam of revolutionary and anti-repressive politics? A war fought on two fronts: against social exploitation and psychic repression?“ and it was that war that happened, but what is most noteworthy about this foreshadowing of the future done through philosophical inquiry and group effort in associations built on philosophical friendship, is that it correctly identified the enemy of philosophy not as a dualistic enemy, but in entropadous conglomeration of compatible, but destructive evil. All evil is perhaps not gilding the lily. However, it should be noted that the descriptors of the two faces of the enemy of philosophy can be simplified into terms that everyone understands, such that social exploitation is equivalent to fascism, and psychic repression is equivalent to tyranny. And both are the enemies of philosophy and all of us by right should hold them in contempt of philosophy, and of life as it should be lived.
It is important to note that this was written before there was sufficient framework upon which to put it. The Middle East wars hadn’t happened yet, and the situation of political philosophy was in the scatterbrained hoard of Freud, who qualified his ultimate answer on entropy; being that it was bad, but he wasn’t sure how to disambiguate and decide actually what to do with it. So there were severe structural limitations that applied to the writing of this nonetheless important preface. Foucault noted this himself by saying that old banners were raised to enter this nascent conflict of philosophy in new zones where the thread of praxis action, we can absolutely ascertain, got a bit tangled and lost before the millennium came. Nonetheless, the book serves as a bridge between the weakness of Freud as an analytical mouthpiece for the Spirit of the Times as he moves through us now, in the future relative to how Foucault saw it, and determines that the political economy of Marx is the absolute necessity to understand and defeat both tyranny and fascism in these times. Ultimately, Anti-Oedipus is for Michel Foucault “The Introduction to a Non-fascist Life.”
How much is this needed in the modern West of philosophy? I would say it is. Not because we have an institutional lack of anti-repressive politics baked into our system of government, but that we are oriented toward the elimination of one of the conjoined parts of the evil forms of human organization, namely tyrannical forces, and we have lapsed in confronting the evil that flows from the invention of the market economy because Jeffersonian principles did not effectively counteract them in context, only, as with Foucault’s premonition of the future in his preface to Anti-Oedipus, in the application of his principles to the same work of opposing the twin of the specter of tyrannical government in the context of the reader in his times, which produces the inevitable conclusion here that the work of securing life, liberty, and freedom is coincident with keeping fascism down. And fascism is the inevitable product of the market economy subsuming the social sphere, which replaces value judgements with financial judgements in the hope of displacing human worth with an empty signifier that can be easily manipulated materially without respect to law or ethics or morality itself to distract from the fact that systemically the wrong actions of people can be materially rewarded to obfuscate the obvious immorality of their conduct. The notion that wealth doesn't necessarily signify anything about moral character is the understatement of the year every time it is performed. In fact, it should be qualified heavily by the statement that this also doesn’t mean that good rich people of moral character or anything other than the exception that proves the rule. Because anyone who has asked these people about their wealth and how it connects to their moral character have denied that their wealth has anything to do with their moral character, unless they are without moral character in the first place in which case they are invariably fascists or tyrants. But once you put it to people straight like this people always ask why are people bamboozled by the ideology of capitalism? And this gets right to the point that we have been making all along, which is that capitalism is exploiting the Oedipal complex as a structural fact of, believe it or not, money itself, and so capitalism reproduces itself by propagating the supposition that money is an undeniable fact of the proper organization of humanity, by giving its full support to the exacerbation of mental disorder among the population of any country in the world that has a system of money, which to my knowledge is all of them. And this mental disorder is the Oedipal complex. This is a deep conspiracy that is actually being conducted by those who are aware of it and continue it as well as those who are victim to the exacerbated disorder of Oedipal desires, which are being propagated through capitalism itself and its propaganda. However, interestingly, enough, we have reached a critical point where capitalism and its mouthpieces are being forced to justify the Oedipal complex in and of itself because they are being revealed as the originators of:
In a philosophical point, of misreading the Classics with intention to misguide the population
In a sociopolitical point, of governing by tort, which is governing by harm, which is inherently unjust— it is in fact, in the Socratic term, the epitome and origin of injustice.
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Now, we should get to whether the New World and a new paradigm of governmentality in a democratic, literate, and federalized national group affinity gave us a second chance to stem the tide of government by lies. Fundamentally entropy is a lie because it is disorder from a lack of action-existence and meaningful improvement in life. To create something out of the negation of anything and everything is a philosophical lie. Fundamentally capitalism is a lie, because it is the propagation of a mental disorder, namely, sexual relations with your biological mother, which is an evil personified in the material exchange rate of things. Literally, there are many ways to think about this, going back to the barter economy. You can easily imagine that you would not want to be forced into trading at an equal exchange rate of things to things with somebody who was a mithegucker. So it is entirely possible that you would upcharge them automatically for being a mithegucker. I think this is entirely reasonable. However, the public embarrassment that this would’ve caused, and I do believe it did cause, cause the primitive system of the Urstaat, the primal and original state apparatus, to create some exchange value coin, that would negate the inflation caused by mitheguckers, which is that exact thing which crashed the barter economy. It is literally inflation that caused them to invent money. And the inflation was due to the social upcharge that was the natural outcome of being forced into economic relations with people who were immoral. So immorality, particularly Oedipal immorality, is the reason that money exists.
There is a historical reason for this that goes back to ancient Sumer, and we don’t have all the documentation on this, but we have a pretty sure idea that there was another city state in Mesopotamia, which, condoning the Oedipal complex as a state of being natural to its social organization, faced the condemnation of all other city states in the area as a flagrant violation of norms natural to humanity and they were wiped out in what was declared by the history of the winners to be the first, the original, and the only purely just war in history. It was the ancient and original war against the mitheguckers. However, because of the discovery of this aberration and the inability at any time in history to wipe out all remnants of the enemy, the Oedipal ideology entered the marketplace in so much as no one wanted to trade or have direct relations through the economy with anyone who was from the Oedipal state. And this actually destroyed the barter economy as mentioned before due to inflation. Money, all the time, was a bad idea about how to fix this. And actually it was misapplied. Because money was supposed to be paid by the mitheguckers as an upcharge to anybody that they bought from because they were mitheguckers and were upcharged already. You can tell that this policy is ironic, it is hilarious, and it would never work because it created the idea of corporate greed in the first place. The idea that you could systemically up charge anyone with a new institution called money was quickly taken up by everybody and especially the mitheguckers because times were hard and people needed more comforts of life, and the Oedipal ideology took advantage of the first failed solution to its immoral suggestion of how humans should be, and they became the fascists. A glance at what they still believe includes this meta-theory of the state as mother or the state as parent of some kind, and this is clearly the confession its fundamental Oedipal conditions of self-propagation. The institution of money was never done away with as it should have been for being bad policy. To put this into a meta-narrative that is relevant today, capitalism came about through the invention of money as a bad policy, intended to circumvent the Oedipal ideology and everyone’s distaste of it, but it was immediately circumvented by corporate greed, which was an Oedipal invention to color money in a different way so that their punishment for a crime against nature became a material advantage for them. And ultimately this paradox of bad policy caused the collapse of the Mesopotamian civilization, through lack of justification for state action, and mismanagement of possibilities for progress, furthermore, the greed of nascent corporatocracy in even the ancient past was directed straight to the soil, and caused degradation of absolute physiocratic conditions for human existence. And it was all caused by insufficient discernment of correct policy to deny the Oedipal delusion that there is an alternate reality in which they are justified.
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Hold on though, because the problematic is arising. Currently, they are justified by the existence of money and capitalism. I’m going to address this issue head on through the analysis of post colonialism because the United States, Kurdistan and Taiwan are all postcolonial countries ß moxie Americana, Kurjstaka and Tayas ß | and the structure of their true national identity is forged in the cradle of democracy and human rights — of opposing tyrants there is no other way— and we need more than to acknowledge that at need to completely be aware of where at are in the discourse to structure the knowledge that hypocrites will be checked at the door by the Tilers’ Sword that comes as a matter of the course of law to be at the structure’s door when you approach the Philocratic lodge this way in a lawful manner after not only killing the hypocrites but also the mitheguckers out of your mind in much way that the Sublimity of life’s course challenges and overcomes the mob, unjust authority and illiberal received wisdom in your mind as structural evidence that not all of life’s course can be altered by visible things without knowing the object trails structuring reality off of actual wisdom which I suggest immediately doing to actuate reality in this instance. It’s only a short talk if you don’t.
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Postcolonial studies apply to America equally as other countries with postcolonial pasts. America is a postcolonial country so any postcolonial analysis should and does apply to America as well.
America’s postcolonial reality was that it was segmented up into states that had no trade and commerce guarantees with each other, that it spoke the language of the colonizer, that it was in debt to itself and to other countries, and all of these problems have been only partially fixed, furthermore that it was such in a literal trap of existential dread over the possibility that it would be cut off from the world because of the trade not going there by geographic fact. That is why these tariffs are so stupid. They are making our geography a liability rather than an asset. Nothing could be a worse use of government time than invalidating geographic advantage. Oh course the tariffs are not serious policy. It is an excuse from the billionaires to short the whole economy and make a bundle off denying us quality of life improvements that we have earned. Tariffs will do that and working people will pay. It is bad policy, worse than Smoot-Hawley in terms of how shoddy the policy is. It is just ongoing wage theft against everyone but the millionaires, billionaires, oligarchs, robber barons and fat cats in general. Productivity is the highest it’s ever been, and they’re merely changing the metrics to make us look like we are lazy. We have the ability to do less of the intensive work while being more productive, and denying that for tradition’s sake and not for quality’s sake is straight out of the dystopian fictions in which no one is capable and everyone is apathetic. Except in this case they are apathetic about doing something that would make working more easy and more better for you, which just proves that apathy is an old yarn and not worth much and not real but rather a political ploy to keep people scared, subservient and none the wiser about their life. It’s horrible, I admit it, and I decry and dispose any connections I have remaining to that kind of politics. But that is what we are struggling with in America from a current contemporaneous postcolonial perspective. Every oligarch treats this as terra nullius of the mind still, in that that is structurally allowed and so we have to assume it, and they treat everyone here like tabula rasa, which is equally as much a canard as the other one, dual-respectively. And they probably treat the lands and the people like that because that is the oligarch’s ideology, that everyone exists respective to them and all the property rightfully belongs to them if they could steal it with justification, and to them money is a justification.
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There are strong differences between how they see it and how I see it. Let’s just start with the fact that money given as justification for theft prior to the fact, which is the only way it would have been a theft and not an acquisition, which is their whole ideology which is that they buy it after they steal it so they get a better price, which can be easily denied to them, for starters, by saying that theft is punishable by, as we know by now, serious effects up and to including disproportionate ones, is dispossession which is a crime in and of itself but it also invalidates contract that developed after the dispossession occurred. Of course, these days the oligarchs have pay contracts made up that hide the facts of this dispossession, however the lovely thing is that the only Veritas needed to prove dispossession can be found in contract Veritas itself, and in contract Veritas itself all contracts that involve prior dispossession have always been null and void, so, if oligarchs continue to follow the ideology they claim to espouse and if they have previously done so, then all acquisitive contracts ever signed by oligarchs and all those that will be signed under that false ideology of prior dispossession will be and are, and are retrospectively, null and void; so, pleasantly and amusingly for me, the very people who have the most cravings for all material possessions have constructed an ideology of acquisitive contract that invalidates all of their purchase contracts and therefore under contract Veritas principles would have to forfeit all of their property due to prior dispossession being an illegal and nullifying contract practice. That’s actually why objects seen around the house of wealthy people often look very cheap but they will tell you that it looked better when they bought it: because the property in it has been nullified due to contract violation, it automatically goes into object trails and it becomes not the same object. Of course if the law can do something more about this with socially consequential effects, that will be appreciated and supported by contract Veritas.
Incidentally, this fact is why people say that most property in the world belongs to no one.
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However, things capable of production are a different case altogether because they symbolize not acquisitiveness, but creative power. However, in a postcolonial society, the possession of creative power through production-capable objects extends to the material physical world because of the material relations the colonizer forced upon the colonized, in which the colonized had to do the impossible work of making the substance of the colonizer’s argument physical and material. Many postcolonial double-binds like being forced to pay off the colonizers local debts, which was exigently done after the American Revolution, or the cultural imperialism from Britain that was shoehorned into American popular culture during the era of good feelings, or the failure of Wilson’s League of Nations due to the intercission of the British royal family, come one and all from the rampant ideology of the colonizer marauding over the national consciousness of the nation in its postcolonial state. Various attempts to change this ideology, which forces an impossible task on the formally colonized, have included such fundamental American innovations as the Fourth Amendment protection against surveillance, which specifically invalidates writs of assistance and general warrants, as well as reasonable bail, and a strictly observed right to remain silent, because all of these work against the structural entropy of forcing the colonized nation to do an impossible task of transforming the substance of law and political organization into material things that can be exported back to the colonizer country.
The impossibility that we are always striving against in America is the assumption from our former colonizers that everything here has to be based on procedural justice as opposed to justice that is not only procedural, but is based on substantive arguments and fundamentally discerning decisions. All postcolonial countries have essentially the same situation, however, our one structural advantage over the colonizer is that we have the ability to seize control of our material conditions, impart a more wise coordination of functions upon them, and use that to restructure our material relations with power of which we have not yet gained access, necessary power to us in our independent well-being, but heretofore unceded by the colonial power.
The parley vū tata desk flow being restructured into the parlay justice desk-flow workflow is therefore a big deal for postcolonial justice. Parléy vū seccé sü. The parley vū tata is an office of war, and every large army has one, which has the purpose of preparing a parlayer and the ultimate parley team for the purposes of the parley. The parley is a verbal competition, including the parlayers for both sides, in teams, that decides by strict rules and customs who holds the Mandate of Heaven for waging the war. No obviously getting God‘s OK to slaughter millions is not something we want to continue doing indefinitely, and definitely not without end, to the iterable function of the parley.
Many philosophers of the early Enlightenment like of Voltaire and Frederick the Great knew that there was “something better than for men to kill each other.” That’s something was the parley pata in Kurdistan and the parley vū tata in Western Norman-accented English particulars. It can become in peacetime the parler maillet of lore, which got Big Bill Haywood, Joan of Arc, and John Donne the poet free from legal challenges. We can make that happen. We have to accept the idea. Transforming the office from the parley vū tata desk flow to the parlay justice desk-flow workflow transforms the purpose of the parlay from a philosophical discussion on the topic decided by war aims, strategy, and troop morale, to a philosophical discussion on the law within relations of peace on topics decided by the narrative of human relations. The parley pata was always the law of the exigent moment, and in this most recent case, it was a superstructure built on top of the base of standard war operations. The demobilization of the troops from the Iraq War should be accomplished, through this mechanism: that the parlay remains law, but the base of war operations transforms itself into politics — and in Kurdistan, major elements of the war effort such as Kurdish Intelligence itself, were political to begin with, which is much the same as the United States— and we schematically transform the personnel arrangement for retired veterans from war and law to politics and law. This is the idea that has been endorsed by leading Kurdish generals, and war figures and political figures, and also in the US, and every country that was in alliance from 2014 to 2017 in Kurdistan proper.
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At this point, I would like to highlight the work of, if I may say so, a wise pamphleteer named Harry Papageorgiou, who provided excellent foreshadowing of this overall topic in a digital pamphlet called The Philocratic Renaissance. His words, which in my opinion should be etched into textbooks describing the history of our current moment to the students of the future, would go well in parallel of mine.
Humanity stands at an inflection point,
He says,
The systems we inherited — political, economic, educational — were designed for a world that no longer exists. Governance has decayed into performance, leadership into self-interest, and citizens into passive spectators of a play written by those who profit from inertia.
Philocracy dares to defy this entropy. It is neither an empty ideal nor a distant utopia, but a method — rooted in history, reason, and human excellence — to reclaim agency over our shared future. It is governance by wisdom, not wealth; by competence, not coercion.
Furthermore, philocracy is ultimately the philosophy that undergirds the law of love, and thus it should, by first principles, supported by Socratic wisdom, be the philosophy of friendship.
Well I agree with this. I furthermore agree democracy should be an “ongoing exercise in wisdom rather than a periodic exercise in marketing.”
And ultimately, I stand with Harry and as Harry does, for the idea that government is not the privilege of a few, but the responsibility of the capable.
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So Sam Mather, a mutual friend of Harry and me, asked, what is it that connects government by love to philosophy of friendship? That's a good question, because honestly, I think philocracy is both.
In the Socratic dialogue about friendship, Laches, it was decided that the ideal friendship would be ruled by the law of love, so therefore by commutative logic if there is a law of love, there would be an ideal friendship, but a friendship that is ideal by definition is a philosophical friendship that needs a philosophy of friendship to be one.
The structural ability of man to form himself into organic associations is unlimited, given structural factors.
The structural factors have to be, first, that the ultimate motivator of people described in governing institutions, that exists in that state in which he lives, is that which accepts a meeting of the minds to be a positive affirmation of totality of existence, captured in the relationship between those 2 people, in their totality of existence, at a totality of an existence in time. But it is guaranteed, not necessarily by a religious law of love, but an acceptance within the totality of the governing system, that a meeting of the minds represents the mind at ease, at peace, and at fulfillment of its true desires. And thus, that is contract veritas, if you think about it.
When you pick up Harry’s pamphlet, you will find many things that are enlightening but I want to draw your attention to one phrase that highlights the mutual longing for the concept of public and the spirit of humanitas, and it is equally true of Harry and me when he says this, and I say it as he did: “we both build places for what’s been lost.”
And I think that this is a philocratic statement. Actually, I know that it is because I contacted Sam Mather immediately and he confirmed it. By the way, he’s writing a book. Support it.
Philocracy is part of the structural reality but this is not the case if government is not built on physiocratic principles and the assumption that the law of love is the ultimate law. So, I do think that, for physiocracy, to succeed, it does need the obvious and stated definition of its philosophy, being philocracy, being in turn a supportive element of a governing mentality, that states that the law of love is law.
And this is a fundamental tenet of physiocracy and its philosophy, and it is the first component of macro philocracy that I can generate.
The structural necessity that comes next is often overlooked, but I think just as necessary a component. And that component is to analyze the personal relationships that would be necessary to establish contract veritas through a governing mentality of the law of love being ultimate, and with a certain result that has salutary benefits on the social polity.
The Socratic answer to this structural necessity, and its identity, as a social formation, is that if the state is studying love, then, obviously, the philosopher would study some derivative of love that is applicable to the constant dualism between man and the state.
That is correct, to a certain extent. However, it is not totally sufficient, because political economy requires that more factors be taken into consideration in terms of formulating the reasons that animate the discussion about the philosophical context, and not just illuminate the word that happens to describe it.
This is Socratic too, but it is applied, and not dogma.
The suitable answer might be that if the law of love is ultimate and is the decider, in all disputes, with ultimate power, then there must be something that constitutes private law, that doesn't have recourse to a state tribunal for evaluation according to the law of love. So if the law of the state is according to the law of love, then private law must be according to friendship. — Or possibly the same reason, but with perhaps a little bit more nuance than the standard Socratic answer, that it is a dilution of the state onto the man. Perhaps it is a dilution of the law of the state onto the law of private individuals, but that doesn't necessarily mean that the man is subsumed by the state apparatus of which he belongs to as a citizen.
And even through the philocratic analogy back to somber and sometimes dystopian reality, you can tell that there is by comparison, some element of problematization and contextualization that can be affirmed as existing relative to modern context in the Socratic development of ideas.
However, what matters in this context matters to the matter of interpretation. Within the concept of physiocracy political theory is well established.
However, the natural law of nations, and its relationship to economic forces, is the subject of examination, and the ultimate reality of philocracy is that the ideal physiocratic establishment has to be governed by philocratic law, and not necessarily a philocratic politics that has to be developed as ancillary and not square relative to its intersectionality with physiocracy, which is in itself a politics.
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Another important question from Sam is how does physiocracy become a politics through agrarian reasoning?
The simple answer has to do with ancient history, and specifically, the discovery of a crop seed in the ancient past that had special properties of restoring and sequestering the soil, and also could not be effectively planted by individual farmers, or collectives of farmers, efficiently, effectively, and with gains for everyone at the level at which this seed actually improved the qualitative and quantitative soil health, and therefore well being, of Mesopotamian civilization.
And this crop seed is known to everyone, these days, just as much as it was known to everyone back then, and possibly more, given current context. This crop is known as sesame. Or also, back then, it was known as tenna.
The reason that Tenna is such an effective crop for organizing society based on agrarian principles, given the soil quality in the ancient Near East is that tenna prevents soil erosion and also that it is an effective crop for disambiguation of purposes within the final product. However, this complex process, in those days, had to be carried out by group effort, organized by a state apparatus in those times, only by which they could sequester each part of the plant and direct it to its final useful purpose and this also created a slush fund of sorts for the state where it got its original funding.
Tenna could be used for animal feed, for oils, for anointing, consuming, and in certain clarified applications for burning in oil lamps. And furthermore, the waste products could be burned for fuel, or turned into soil amendments from the ashes or from compost. And this could go right back to sequestering the soil, which there is both sandy and salty, and prevent the erosion and runoff that is endemic to the region, and is still a struggle against natural laws that farmers in the Middle East contend with daily.
So Tenna is the simple agrarian reason, for the existence of politics, within an agrarian society, at its root of development from a society without the state, becoming an agrarian development with a state apparatus that runs certain aspects of agrarian policy but transcends strictly agrarian reasoning in the development of products from the plant involved in the new agrarian logic creating essentially the concept of manufacturing itself from agrarian reasoning in its infancy.
Physiocratic reasoning, thus and therefore, is closer in historical connection to artisan creation and product manufacturing than any mercantile logic can reach at the extremities of its self-congratulatory self-justification. So it was not only that physiocratic logic led to the creation of a state from necessity, but it also, by the very same act of applying agrarian reasoning to social well being created political economy at the same time that it created politics.
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The philosophical question is, what is this structural reality that we are thinking about?
Ultimately, there is no way to decide reality other than to say that structuralism is real waking life.
And therefore, structuralism happens when it’s in real life, as we say. So structural reality is what actually happens structurally in reality.
What's most important about it, when you start mentioning it structurally in context, is that patterns emerge out of uncommon events that have a common set of logos to their structural analysis, as public affairs that follow certain rules.
The most significant pattern is not the news cycle, actually. The most significant pattern is the observer effect as well as the pressure hose effect that caused the narrative to not be able to shut off completely as soon as you begin to observe it, and again, the observer effect from physics is an apt analogy for this.
In response to observation, it begins to transform the places in which it shows up in current events as a reaction to the observation of what is actually structurally going on in reality. The most significant pattern, in other words, is that the pattern tries to hide itself from observation. This means most likely that at first glance, you have two options to analyze this and we did. Either it is not a natural law because it tends towards entropy or someone, some force, or some institution is trying to hide the fact that it is a natural law. However, it does not tend toward entropy for the exact reason that we were able to provide visible structural reasons for why it works. And we did experiment with the idea that it could be another natural law such as Tolstoy’s view that free will was only the product of minute integrals of capacity to affect history, however, it makes that easier, so they wouldn’t be antagonistic to each other. And finally, we took a look at whether it would be entropy itself that was limiting the available capacity to observe the narrative from the view from a single desk. And it was impossible. Therefore, this suggests that observing the narrative is just like observing a very small particle in space in particle physics. It obeys physical laws, so therefore, it must be a natural law.
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And it can derive from that that sometimes we can be overly schematic about what we are talking about narratives about. We talk about the schematics to reduce entropy. That goes for the narrative, any problematic that can be resolved through structure, and any organizing problem.
However sometimes it is enough with schematics. The reality that has been proven is that every schematic can be maneuvered through with a moving point, a shifting parallel line and a traveling square. That should be enough to dispose with the schematics at the point in time at which you have hit a repeatable pattern in the data, and go on to reach a structural reality which was structured out of the data and the structure of it is more important than the raw data, and therefore you have to interpret empirical observation into structural reality.
So to apply it, probably means that observing the narrative as a schematic structural reality has too much of a physical observer effect and ends you up playing whack-a-mole with narratives, except it’s more like grab a mole because you want them and then they keep disappearing and reappearing somewhere else which is very inconvenient for you when you try to observe them like particles in space. But maybe the solution to this is the structure as linear flow, but interpret every word in every article of thought through the schematic and make it an iterable object of language.
Strategically, this would mean developing narrative chains of multiple narratives rather than trying to sequester all information into one structural reality. This would reduce entropy actually. However, it should be noted that linking narratives together requires relevance and cause-and-effect, and they should be structurally, subjectively, and hierarchically linked by topic and importance to make sense to the thought behind it.
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Structural reality as an optical lens, focus reveals that there is a philosophical dispute over the direction of the country and the world in political economy. And although it seems like there are two sides to this equation, it is not really an equation at all, but an inequality. We can have political economy, not by acquisition and hoarding, actually, but only by the physiocratic free flow of ideas, goods, and services. And everything that we want, friendship, love, the power to speak and decide, and even freedom itself can only be reached through a particular and very peculiar philosophy that is only reachable through the complete and unconditional love and acceptance of a philosophical ideology of and based on the free movement principle.
Structural reality shows that there is a divide in political economy, but it is not a divide of common sense going one way and the other simultaneously; but rather that the common sense says that the dispossession and hoarding of wealth, it’s far from the path of actuating the truth principle of philosophical practice. There is no philosophy to dispossession because there is no truth to it, both in contract veritas, and in philosophical narrative Veritas. Philocracy is a philosophy only reachable through political action and declaration of principles applicable to fundamental aspects of democratic, free, socially and economically liberal, free-moving, and border transcending ideas. Philocracy is philosophical friendship. Without adherence to physiocratic principles, there is no philocracy, and therefore physiocracy is a determinant of the existence of friendship as a concept. We have to take bold philosophical and political stances in physiocratic actuality in order to actuate the structural reality of all the good in life.
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It was a habit of the French tyrants before the inception of the revolution to have a little workshop in which they built lock boxes and safes. This was a falsity presented as an original idea.
But down through the ages, you always see this counter movement of adoption by the powers that be on earth of stochastic practices of measuring apathy among the population relative to their advantage. The true history of the concept of having a leader as a constructor of locks and safes was that supposedly it underlined the notion that they had a key to all doors of perception. This, of course, has been roundly disproven by all subsequent events, which proved through the dispersion of this workshop, and the ultimate direction of that surplus value, going down, to the real creators of this idea that the king's hobby represented a laughable yearning, common among the powerful and rich, for real, human worth which they do not possess, but only steal aspects of surplus value to recreate the falsity of an image about.
Real social power doesn’t come from kings and lords and it doesn't come from falsifiable demonstrations done in the mimicry of workman's principles. Every structural failure of a state, a social group, or a religion, has come down to, not the inability to translate power at the top down to the masses but the inability of power at the top when it is run from the top, to understand that the population holds the key to any safe, any guarded secret and any structural reality of which there is a need to actuate in real life.
There's never been a king who solved a single problem in law, in politics, in National culture, because those things don't come from the top. They don't come from where the surplus value is stolen from those who earned it. They come from where the surplus value was earned; from the labor of the working person and the common humanity that inspires them to strive on, despite the blindness and intransigency of leadership without principle, which animates still so much more of our discourse than we can reasonably tolerate or expect.
The ultimate say in all matters relating to policy, law, and structural ideas has come from the progressive movement towards the realization of justice and rights for all — not the delegation from the top of responsibilities to uphold. We can cast even ancient stoicism out of the prized place it holds in the granary of thought, because it represents the incompleteness of knowledge, the facetiousness of kings and emperors, who display that they are working without ever working and without ever walking a mile in the common man's shoes.
We've been talking about a philosophy of friendship. And there are those who friendship does not extend to by the very definition that it is love in the world available to everyone who stirs your heartstrings, but not a transactional moment, or something that needs a contract to be fulfilled.
It is an eternal price of living a waking life in the world that you have to understand that friendship is delimited, not by social or structural factors but by the conscience itself, which moves you to associate with certain people and deny association with bad facts of which you are not aware, with rotten actualities of which you have no structural affinity and to deny your affiliation to any entity of knowledge, whether it be an ideology or a politics that seeks to deny or constrict your rights.
In a very important sense that you must remember friendship entails rights but friendship is not for everyone and so these rights are special and go to the concept of philocracy itself and are subsumed under the law of love: which is directional; which is chosen; which is intentional and where relational travail that cannot be borne is an automatic disqualifier for the existence of a relationship or an entity formed out of human relationships.
There is a law to friendship, in fact, it is the entire structure of the law as it works in the world in operative reality. There is a politics to friendship, and actually it is the ultimate politics. And therefore there is no conclusion that can be logically drawn than the one drawn by Socrates, in the dialogue called Laches: that in the absolute truth, and, I would add, in Contract Veritas as well, friendship is the only philosophy.
All physics is persuading the universe to reveal its secrets of, through, and by cause and effect.
Structurally, the causal reality is cause and effect.
Persuasive rhetoric comes from source.
All decisions that supposedly need to be made by kings have actually been made in council.
By right, there may not be any such thing as the concept of a king.
But we do have chiefs of council. The French could never dream under autocracy, but in America, the dream of freedom became the actualization of reality in life.
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